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Last Thursday, a few hours before midnight, I left my house in a folktale-like fashion.As moonlight draped the bedroom, I tucked my oldest boy into the covers. Then, I picked up a sword in search of adventure. What I found was sweet nostalgia.The Legend of Zelda enjoyed its first release in six years: Tears of the Kingdom. I celebrated the occasion at my local GameStop, which allowed enthusiasts to win prizes, pick up the game, and quite frankly, be kids again.I often chuckle when people suggest that a Blockbuster card is a form of ID for millennials. I was close to my son’s age when I begged my parents to rent video games every weekend. Blockbuster, of course, is a thing of the past, but the childlike desires of kids at heart remain.As people filled up the store last Thursday night, I was reminded of a simpler time.It was refreshing to be a part of a community, if only for a few hours. The shared anticipation of the game’s release linked us together. Folks dressed for the occasion or reminisced about the past, or both.The Legend of Zelda, which premiered in 1986, is the story of Zelda, the princess of Hyrule, and her companion, Link, who helps her overcome the schemes of the evil Ganon. The gameplay is vast, with Link exploring lands that take hundreds of hours to fully comb through and explore. A nerd’s nirvana, for sure, but also the type of good-natured fun that constitutes Nintendo’s reputation.The more I think about it, the hero’s name is perfect for the effect of nostalgia on people. It binds us together in a way that transcends the nature of entertainment.As I enter my 40s, I enjoy toeing the line between big kid and being responsible for two kids. In a world where we continue to prioritize mental health and finding balance, sometimes refuge is as simple as flipping a switch.
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| Rawalpindi, Pakistan
Former Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan had planned to be marching into Islamabad next week at the head of hundreds of thousands of supporters, demanding early elections. Instead, he was the target of an apparent assassination attempt on Thursday that he later blamed on the government and intelligence services.
But behind the drama reigns a widespread atmosphere of distrust and discord among Pakistani voters, say ordinary citizens and political analysts, after decades of opaque dealings between the country’s political leaders and the military.
Behind the drama of mass marches and assassination attempts, Pakistani politics is mired in broad popular mistrust of the nation’s leaders and their ties to the military.
“Why should we have any faith in politics when our leaders have consistently demonstrated that they are only interested in power?” says Asif Ghani, who works at a toy store.
“The mess we are in today is largely due to the fact that political leaders are not united on key issues concerning the country’s political system,” says veteran political analyst Raza Rumi, who teaches at Ithaca College in New York.
“They all think that making bids and deals with the army will give them power, so when they are in opposition they look for a deal, and when they are in government they defend the armed forces,” Mr. Rumi adds. This has just eroded trust in the political system even further.
Seven months after he was ousted by a parliamentary vote of no confidence, former Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan had planned to march triumphantly into the capital, Islamabad, next week at the head of hundreds of thousands of his supporters and compel the government to call early elections.
Instead, he was rushed to the hospital on Thursday after a man opened fire on his convoy, injuring Mr. Khan in the foot. By Friday evening he had recovered sufficiently to hold a press conference, blaming the apparent assassination attempt on Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and a top general in Pakistan’s premier intelligence agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence.
But behind the drama reigns a widespread atmosphere of distrust and discord among Pakistani voters, say ordinary citizens and political analysts, after decades of opaque dealings between the country’s political leaders and the military.
Behind the drama of mass marches and assassination attempts, Pakistani politics is mired in broad popular mistrust of the nation’s leaders and their ties to the military.
“Why should we have any faith in politics when our leaders have consistently demonstrated that they are only interested in power?” says Asif Ghani, who works at a toy store in Rawalpindi, a city adjacent to the capital.
“When the current government was in opposition, they were demanding free and fair elections and Imran was saying that the parliament would complete its term,” Mr. Ghani recalls. “Now Imran is saying he wants free and fair elections, and the government is saying it intends to complete its term. What is the ordinary person supposed to conclude from all this?”
For local political commentator Murtaza Solangi, Mr. Khan’s crusade against graft and nepotism, branding all his political opponents as “a band of crooks,” has polarized Pakistani society.
Yesterday’s apparent assassination attempt on Mr. Khan, he argues, is just the latest symptom of a country rent by discord. “The seeds of bigotry and intolerance sown by our deep state and nourished by many politicians, including Imran Khan himself, are now bearing fruit,” he says.
In the months since his ouster as prime minister, Mr. Khan has launched a three-pronged attack against the Pakistani army, Washington, and the coalition government led by Mr. Sharif, all of which he blames for his downfall.
His campaign has propelled his party to a string of by-election victories, but has been less successful in mobilizing support for his planned siege on the capital. Mr. Khan had expected a tsunami of demonstrators to follow him from Lahore to Islamabad and overthrow the government; in fact, until yesterday’s attack, the “Freedom March” had struggled to gather momentum.
That, says Ahtasham Mangool, a manager in a medical company in Rawalpindi, is because people do not trust politicians to work for the public good. “Imran Khan says he will bring accountability into the system but look at the people he has around him,” he says. “These are the same people who have never let anyone prosper in their constituencies. How can we believe that they will ever let anyone succeed except for themselves?”
With annual inflation running at around 26% in October, there is widespread dissatisfaction with the government, but not much enthusiasm for Mr. Khan as an alternate. Though his party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, won the most recent parliamentary by-election last month, only 35% of voters bothered to cast a ballot.
Such is the mistrust in the political system that some even question whether the attempt on Mr. Khan’s life was genuine. “I think Imran Khan did it himself because his march was failing and he wanted to get a boost from the public,” says Saleem, a daily wage laborer who asked to be identified only by his given name. “Everyone knows that the army runs the country and Imran Khan made a big mistake by crossing them. The generals will never let anyone else take control.”
Civil-military discord has troubled Pakistan throughout its 75-year history, and the country has oscillated between overt and covert military rule.
Mr. Khan’s critics contend that his victory in the 2018 elections would not have been possible without the army’s interference, and they chided him when he was serving as prime minister for having been “selected,” rather than elected. But as soon as rifts developed between Mr. Khan and his military backers, the same opposition exploited this breakdown to return to power.
“The mess we are in today is largely due to the fact that political leaders are not united on key issues concerning the country’s political system,” says veteran political analyst Raza Ahmad Rumi, who teaches at Ithaca College in New York.
“They all think that making bids and deals with the army will give them power, so when they are in opposition they look for a deal, and when they are in government they defend the armed forces,” Mr. Rumi adds. This has further eroded trust in the political system.
“Imran Khan used to say that the military establishment was on his side. Now he blames them for removing him from power,” points out toy salesman Mr. Ghani.
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Mr. Khan differs from his predecessors, argues Mr. Rumi, in that he doesn’t pretend to stand for constitutional supremacy. “His public posturing does not demand that the military should go back to the barracks,” Mr. Rumi says. “In fact, what he says is that the military should act on his behalf and install him because he is cleaner and more honest than his political opponents.”
How the apparent attempt on his life will impact Mr. Khan politically is still unclear. But “as a shrewd politician who uses every crisis as an opportunity,” says Mr. Solangi, “Imran will use this as a pressure valve to make maximum gains.”
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